THE GREAT(ER) SOCIETY

I’ve written a few pieces the last few months that were deep dives that took a fair bit of research and time. After ‘The News’ piece I pressed ‘publish’ on yesterday, I was going to take a break for a couple of days while I dreamt of taking a full month off. No scouring the news. No writing. And I may even get around to it one of these day. Soon. But...as seems to happen to me every day, things began piling up pretty quickly.

Yesterday, right after reading my “The News“ piece, a good friend dropped me a note and suggested that I write about intolerance. I liked the suggestion, but I’m not going to write about intolerance. It’s an important piece of America, especially today, I think that most people would already agree that there is a set of Americans that are pretty damned intolerant of “other” - “other’ being anyone not in their particular tribe - and don’t need me to point that out.

I also reflected on what I had published yesterday about Pete Hegseth, his racism, and his comment in support of the White supremacist “Unite The Right” rally in Charlottesville. As I wrote and then re-read his words of support for his fellow White supremacist cohorts that their grievances were a “discussion [that] should be had” and that “Young White men felt they had become “second-class citizens” I realized that yeah, absolutely… some young white men – racist every one of them – given their worldview, they probably do feel like they have become second-class citizens. But it didn’t take me long - seconds - to think how totally un-American even thinking that it is.

We were conceived as a country and have long presented ourselves as a “classless” society. Of course that has never been true. Clearly, the founding fathers didn’t really think that, even though they wrote it down. They also believed that only men, and landed men at that, had the wisdom and intelligence to vote and make decisions for the rest of us who would not be allowed to vote. But they knew that and set us up to keep working at it. To create a more perfect and more unified country.

It’s really hard to tell what the MAGA and, back in the “Take America Back” Tea Party crowd day is so incensed about. But not really. They don’t view America as a classless society. Their view America as a classed, hierarchical society with White men being at the top. The more that gets challenged, the angrier they seem to get.

So while Hegseth and the young men that he was speaking in favor of were wrong to see America as a society that has classes, they were right to see an America where White men are no longer automatically relegated to the top as they have unquestionably been since before our founding. It’s recently has come to light that even women and Brown people have brains and skills.

So yeah, Pete, your folks do indeed see themselves as becoming no longer the undisputed top dog. But not “second class” citizens. Simply “American citizens”, on a par with America’s other citizens. It’s not a demotion. To you and to them I would say, “Welcome to the more perfect union of an ever-evolving America”. Isn’t that the country that you purport to love? Or do you only love the White side of this country?

But take heart Pete. Just take a look at yourself, your boss, and your counterparts in the cabinet and other high administrative post and you’ll see that the main criteria for achieving success isn’t work ethic or intelligence or experience. At least under the current administration simply being a White male sycophant (pronounced SICKO-phant) is still enough.

The beginning of my day didn’t stop there. My cousin, needing to escape what America has become - or maybe always has been - joined the over one million Americans who have become expats since 2017 - coincidently the year Trump first took office. She and her husband saved their money, paid cash for land on the coast of Prampram Ghana, and - again with cash - built their dream home and escaped. But I don’t think escaping Trump. I think they were escaping an America that never has been.

But today, after reading my ‘The News“ post, of yesterday, she and I had an email discussion this morning. Due to the 6-hour time difference, I was still in bed. She had just finished watching a PBS documentary on W.E.B. Dubois. “...the documentary is very powerful, but very damming of America and the sense of whether or not this problem will ever get resolved. This hatred of White against Black keeps rearing it’s ugly head. It feels like now is another time that it’s happening. The question is whether this (racism) ever will really end... I think the problem began with the Trans-Atlantic slave trade where large numbers of people were brought in for one specific reason and they’re never was any intent to merge them into society. It’s like when you bring in one animal who’s only aim is to wipe out another dangerous species. It upsets the whole system.” (pretty good analogy)

Still in bed, I got to thinking and wrote her back. “I agree with Brian Stevenson’s theory - Brian is the founder and the force behind the Equal Justice Initiative, the book and movie, Just Mercy, and the vaunted Legacy Museum in Montgomery. In order to treat slaves with the unspeakable cruelty that those engaged in the Atlantic slave trade, enslavers, in order to think of themselves as ‘good people’, they had to make up a narrative that Africans were so bad… so subhuman… that they deserved this treatment. And then with the post-Civil War narrative that slaves and masters were a happy loving family now, now 161 years later, here Black Americans are at the bottom of every single metric. That myth about the loving relationship that masters had with their slaves translates into slavery wasn’t harmful, and therefore when Black American slaves were freed by the end of the Civil War and the ratification of the 13th amendment, ending slavery, and everybody was magically at the same starting point all set to charge ahead. Given that belief, the only possible explanation for Black Americans continuing to be at the bottom of every metric is, as I have said, that Black Americans are lazy, stupid, incompetent, drug addicted to criminals. Why else would America glorify the Confederacy and name army bases after Confederate generals, rather than having hung the leaders and punished all those who taken up arms against their country? That’s a pretty strongly embedded American narrative.“

So here we are with an almost eight BILLION dollar slush fund of tax payer money, to once again reward those White folks who took up arms in yet another attempt to take over and re-direct the country. It turns out that Americans are not opposed to reparations after all. They just need to be going to the right people.

If only we had taught a true, deep, and thorough history of the Civil War - America’s seminal event. Americans generally know more about the Holocaust, which was a European thing, then they do about American slavery, which was an American thing. We funded and opened the doors to the Holocaust Museum in Washington DC in 1993.

It would be another 23 years before America had a museum dedicated to the history of Black America. And although most Americans seem to know that around 6 million Jews were murdered in death camps during the holocaust, few know how many people were enslaved at the beginning of the beginning of the Civil War. Four million.

Then, STILL in bed, I read that yesterday was the anniversary of LBJ’s famous 1964 commencement address to the graduating class of the University of Michigan. As I read about Johnson’s vision of what he called the Great Society, of course it was impossible to not compare then and now. “America’s great society is a country that does not confine itself to making money, but rather uses its post war prosperity to enrich and elevate our national life.

The great society will demand an end to poverty and racial injustice. It will enable every child to learn and grow, and will create a society where people will use their leisure time to build and reflect, where cities will not just answer physical needs, and the demands of commerce, but will also serve the desire for beauty and the hunger for community. It will protect the natural world and will be a place where Americans are more concerned with the quality of their goals then the quantity of their goods. But most of all the Great Society will be not just a safe harbor, a resting place, a final objective, a finished work. It is a challenge constantly renewed, beckoning us toward a destiny where the meaning of our lives matches the marvelous products of our labor.”

“It’s not just Black Americans, it’s all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice.” - LBJ 1965 at Howard University...(when my uncle Stanton Wormley was president.)

For reasons that I will never understand, Johnson did not get a lot of credit for what he accomplished. Maybe because his effort were effectively directed at the least amongst us, and not the most. There was no benefit to the Elon Musks or Jeff Bezos’ of the time. Under Johnson, congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibiting voting employment or educational discrimination based on race, religion sex or national origin.

Johnson gained passage of economic opportunity of 1964, which created and oversaw an entire series of anti-poverty programs, and of the Food Stamp Act until poor Americans eat.

Johnson got the 1965, now decimated Voting Rights Act passed, created jobs in Appalachia, and established job training community development programs. He passed the elementary and secondary education act they gave federal aid to public schools. Establish a Headstart program that provided comprehensive early education for low income child and his higher education act of 1965 increased federal investment universities and scholarships and low interest loans to students.

Also, in 1965 Johnson amended the Social Security Act - which, like Unemployment Insurance and the GI Bill originally excluded Black Americans - to create Medicare, providing health insurance to Americans who were 65 and older, and Medicaid giving access to healthcare to America’s poor.

And the incongruity of it all was that Johnson could be considered a racist. His many documented comments and derogatory language towards Black Americans would have pointed that way. Ditto even with Abraham Lincoln, the “Great Emancipator”. But no matter, because they both believed in an America that neither Hegseth nor Trump nor anybody in that administration seems to believe in today.

As Ronald Reagan taunted Jimmy Carter with during the 1980 presidential debate “Are you better off now than you were four years ago?”

Well are you? And more importantly, is America?

Thanks much to Heather Cox Richardson today’s post for reminding me of LBJ’s contribution to America and his extraordinary effort to create a great society. And since Johnson’s Great Society was such a success, and since I am in such awe and admiration of it, if you want a quick(ish) read to learn more, here ya’ go.

What Was Really Great About The Great Society

by Joseph A. Califano Jr. October 1, 1999

If there is a prize for the political scam of the 20th century, it should go to the conservatives for propagating as conventional wisdom that the Great Society programs of the 1960s were a misguided and failed social experiment that wasted taxpayers’ money.

Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact, from 1963 when Lyndon Johnson took office until 1970 as the impact of his Great Society programs were felt, the portion of Americans living below the poverty line dropped from 22.2 percent to 12.6 percent, the most dramatic decline over such a brief period in this century. Since then, the poverty rate has hovered at about the 13 percent level and sits at 13.3 percent today, still a disgraceful level in the context of the greatest economic boom in our history. But if the Great Society had not achieved that dramatic reduction in poverty, and the nation had not maintained it, 24 million more Americans would today be living below the poverty level.

This reduction in poverty did not just happen. It was the result of a focused, tenacious effort to revolutionize the role of the federal government with a series of interventions that enriched the lives of millions of Americans. In those tumultuous Great Society years, the President submitted, and Congress enacted, more than 100 major proposals in each of the 89th and 90th Congresses. In that era of do-it-now optimism, government was neither a bad man to be tarred and feathered nor a bag man to collect campaign contributions, but an instrument to help the most vulnerable in our society.

What has the verdict been? Did the programs we put into place in the 1960s vindicate our belief in the responsibility and capacity of the national government to achieve such ambitious goalsor do they stand as proof of the government’s inability to effect dramatic change that helps our people?

The Great Society saw government as providing a hand up, not a handout. The cornerstone was a thriving economy (which the 1964 tax cut sparked); in such circumstances, most Americans would be able to enjoy the material blessings of society. Others would need the kind of help most of us got from our parentshealth care, education and training, and housing, as well as a nondiscriminatory shot at employmentto share in our nation’s wealth.

Education and health were central to opening up the promise of American life to all. With the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the Great Society for the first time committed the federal government to helping local school districts. Its higher education legislation, with scholarships, grants, and work-study programs, opened college to any American with the necessary brains and ambition, however thin daddy’s wallet or empty mommy’s purse. Bilingual education, which today serves one million individuals, was designed to teach Hispanic youngsters subjects like math and history in their own language for a couple of years while they learned English, so they would not fall behind. Special education legislation has helped millions of children with learning disabilities.

Since 1965 the federal government has provided more than a quarter of a trillion dollars in 86 million college loans to 29 million students, and more than $14 billion in work-study awards to 6 million students. Today nearly 60 percent of full-time undergraduate students receive federal financial aid under Great Society programs and their progeny.

These programs assure a steady supply of educated individuals who provide the human resources for our economic prosperity. When these programs were enacted, only 41 percent of Americans had completed high school; only 8 percent held college degrees. This past year, more than 81 percent had finished high school and 24 percent had completed college. By establishing the federal government’s responsibility to finance this educational surgeand the concept that access to higher education should be determined by ability and ambition, not dollars and centswe have amassed the trained talent to be the world’s leading industrial, technological, communications and military power today.

Head Start, which has served more than 16 million preschoolers in just about every city and county in the nation and today serves 800,000 children a year, is as American as motherhood and apple pie. Like so many successes, this preschool program has a thousand parents. But how many people remember the battles over Head Start? Conservatives opposed such early childhood education as an attempt by government to interfere with parental control of their children. In the ’60s those were code words to conjure up images of Soviet Russia wrenching children from their homes to convert them to atheistic communism. But Lyndon Johnson knew that the rich had kindergartens and nursery schools; and he asked, why not the same benefits for the poor?

The impact of the Great Society’s health programs has been stunning. In 1963, most elderly Americans had no health insurance. Few retirement plans provided any such coverage. The poor had little access to medical treatment until they were in critical condition. Only wealthier Americans could get the finest care, and only by traveling to a few big cities like Boston or New York.

Is revolution too strong a word? Since 1965, 79 million Americans have signed up for Medicare. In 1966, 19 million were enrolled; in 1998, 39 million. Since 1966, Medicaid has served more than 200 million needy Americans. In 1967, it served 10 million poor citizens; in 1997, 39 million. The 1968 Heart, Cancer and Stroke legislation has provided funds to create centers of medical excellence in just about every major cityfrom Seattle to Houston, Miami to Cleveland, New Orleans to St. Louis. To staff these centers, the 1965 Health Professions Educational Assistance Act provided resources to double the number of doctors graduating from medical schools, from 8,000 to 16,000. That Act also increased the pool of specialists and researchers, nurses, and paramedics. Community health centers, also part of the Great Society health care agenda, today serve almost eight million Americans annually. The Great Society’s commitment to fund basic medical research lifted the National Institutes of Health to unprecedented financial heights, seeding a harvest of medical miracles.

Closely related to these health programs were efforts to reduce malnutrition and hunger. Today, the Great Society’s food stamp program helps feed more than 20 million men, women, and children in more than 8 million households. Since it was launched in 1967, the school breakfast program has provided a daily breakfast to nearly 100 million schoolchildren.

Taken together, these programs have played a pivotal role in recasting America’s demographic profile. In 1964, life expectancy was 66.6 years for men and 73.1 years for women (69.7 years overall). In a single generation, by 1997, life expectancy jumped 10 percent: for men, to 73.6 years; for women, to 79.2 years (76.5 years overall). The jump was highest among the less advantaged, suggesting that better nutrition and access to health care have played an even larger role than medical miracles. Infant mortality stood at 26 deaths for each 1,000 live births when LBJ took office; today it stands at only 7.3 deaths per 1,000 live births, a reduction of almost 75 percent.

These enormous investments in training medical and scientific experts and funding the National Institutes of Health have played a key part in establishing our nation as the world’s leader in basic research, pharmaceutical invention, and the creation of surgical procedures and medical machinery to diagnose our diseases, breathe for us, clean our blood, and transplant our organs.

Those of us who worked with Lyndon Johnson would hardly characterize him as a patron of the arts. Yet think about what cultural life in America would be like without the National Endowments for the Arts and Humanities, which were designed to “create conditions under which the arts can flourish,” and make fine theater and music available throughout the nation, not just at Broadway playhouses and the Metropolitan Opera in New York. The Endowment for the Arts has spawned art councils in all 50 states and more than 420 playhouses, 120 opera companies, 400 dance companies and 230 professional orchestras. Johnson also oversaw the creation of the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, whose programs entertain three million people each year and are televised to millions more, and the Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, which attracts more than 700,000 visitors annually.

Another creature of the Great Society is the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which today supports 350 public television and 699 public radio stations. These stations have given the nation countless hours of fine arts, superb in-depth news coverage, and educational programs such as Sesame Street that teach as they entertain generations of children. Now many conservatives say there is no need for public radio and television, since there are so many cable channels and radio stations. But as often as we surf with our TV remotes and twist our radio dials, we are not likely to find the kind of quality broadcasting that marks public television and public radio stations.

The Great Society’s main contribution to the environment was not just passage of laws, but the establishment of a principle that to this day guides the environmental movement. The old principle was simply to conserve resources that had not been touched. Lyndon Johnson was the first president to put forth a larger idea:

“The air we breathe, our water, our soil and wildlife, are being blighted by poisons and chemicals which are the by-products of technology and industry. The society that receives the rewards of technology, must, as a cooperating whole, take responsibility for [their] control. To deal with these new problems will require a new conservation. We must not only protect the countryside and save it from destruction, we must restore what has been destroyed and salvage the beauty and charm of our cities. Our conservation must be not just the classic conservation of protection and development, but a creative conservation of restoration and innovation.”

Those new environmental commandments inspired a legion of Great Society laws: the Clear Air, Water Quality and Clean Water Restoration Acts and Amendments, the 1965 Solid Waste Disposal Act, the 1965 Motor Vehicle Air Pollution Control Act, and the 1968 Aircraft Noise Abatement Act. They also provided the rationale for later laws creating the Environmental Protection Agency and the Superfund that exacts financial payments from past polluters.

Of the 35 national parks established during the Great Society years, 32 are within easy driving distance of large cities. The 1968 Wild and Scenic Rivers Act today protects 155 river segments in 37 states. The 1968 National Trail System Act has established more than 800 recreational, scenic, and historic trails covering 40,000 miles.

Above all else, Lyndon Johnson saw the Great Society as an instrument to create racial justice and eliminate poverty. Much of the legislation already cited was aimed at those objectives. But we directly targeted these areas with laser intensity. When LBJ took office, this country had segregated stores, theaters and public accommodations; separate toilets and water fountains for blacks; and restaurants, hotels, and housing restricted to whites only. Job discrimination was rampant. With the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the Great Society tore down all the “whites only” signs. The 1968 Fair Housing Act opened up housing to all Americans regardless of race.

But the measure of the Great Society, particularly in this field, cannot be taken alone in statutes enacted. In one of the most moving speeches of the century, Johnson’s 1965 Howard University commencement address, “To Fulfill These Rights,” he said:

“But freedom is not enough. You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him to the starting line of a race and then say, You are free to compete with all the others,’ and still justly believe that you have been completely fair. This is the next and the more profound stage of the battle for civil rights.” Thus was born the concept of affirmative action, Johnson’s conviction that it is essential as a matter of social justice to provide the tutoring, the extra help, even the preference if necessary, to those who had suffered generations of discrimination, in order to give them a fair chance to share in the American dream. Perhaps even more controversial today than when then set forth, affirmative action has provided opportunity to millions of blacks and has been a critical element in creating a substantial black middle class and an affluent black society in a single generation.

That speech provided another insight the nation ignored. In cataloguing the long suffering of blacks, Johnson included this passage: “Perhaps most importantits influence radiating to every part of lifeis the breakdown of the Negro family structure. It flows from centuries of oppression and persecution of the Negro man. And when the family collapses it is the children that are usually damaged. When it happens on a massive scale the community itself is crippled. So, unless we work to strengthen the family, to create conditions under which most parents will stay together,all the restschools, and playgrounds, and public assistance, and private concernwill never be enough to cut completely the circle of despair and deprivation.”

Conservatives charge the Great Society with responsibility for the disastrous aspects of the welfare program for mothers and children. But that program was enacted in the ’30s and conservatives (and liberals) in Congress rejected Great Society efforts to revamp it. LBJ called the welfare system in America “outmoded and in need of a major change” and pressed Congress to stop conditioning welfare benefits on the man leaving the house and to create “a work incentive program, incentives for earning, day care for children, child and maternal health, and family planning services.” In the generation it has taken the nation to heed that warning, millions of children’s lives have been savaged.

In the entire treasury of Great Society measures, the jewel Lyndon Johnson believed would have the greatest value was the Voting Rights Act of 1965. That law opened the way for black Americans to strengthen their voice at every level of government. In 1964 there were 79 black elected officials in the South and 300 in the entire nation. By 1998, there were some 9,000 elected black officials across the nation, including 6,000 in the South. In 1965 there were five black members of the House; today there are 39.

Great Society contributions to racial equality were not only civic and political. In 1960, black life expectancy was 63.6 years, not even long enough to benefit from the Social Security taxes that black citizens paid during their working lives. By 1997, black life expectancy was 71.2 years, thanks almost entirely to Medicaid, community health centers, job training, food stamps, and other Great Society programs. In 1960, the infant mortality rate for blacks was 44.3 for each 1,000 live births; in 1997, that rate had plummeted by two-thirds, to 14.7. In 1960, only 20 percent of blacks completed high school and only 3 percent finished college; in 1997, 75 percent completed high school and more than 13 percent earned college degrees.

In waging the war on poverty, congressional opposition was too strong to pass an income maintenance law. So LBJ took advantage of the biggest automatic cash machine around: Social Security. He proposed, and Congress enacted, whopping increases in the minimum benefits that lifted some two million Americans 65 and older above the poverty line. In 1996, thanks to those increased minimum benefits, Social Security lifted 12 million senior citizens above the poverty line.

The combination of that Social Security increase, Medicare and the coverage of nursing home care under Medicaid (which today funds care for 68 percent of nursing home residents) has had a defining impact on American families. Millions of middle-aged Americans, freed from the burden of providing medical and nursing home care for their elderly parents, suddenly were able to buy homes and (often with assistance from Great Society higher education programs) send their children to college.

No Great Society undertaking has been subjected to more withering conservative attacks than the Office of Economic Opportunity. Yet the War on Poverty was founded on the most conservative principle: Put the power in the local community, not in Washington; give people at the grassroots the ability to stand tall on their own two feet.

Conservative claims that the OEO poverty programs were nothing but a waste of money are preposterousas preposterous as Ronald Reagan’s quip that “LBJ declared war on poverty and poverty won.” Eleven of the 12 programs that OEO launched in the mid-’60s are alive, well and funded at an annual rate exceeding $10 billion; apparently legislators believe they’re still working. Head Start, Job Corps, Community Health Centers, Foster Grandparents, Upward Bound (now part of the Trio Program in the Department of Education), Green Thumb (now Senior Community Service Employment), Indian Opportunities (now in the Labor Department) and Migrant Opportunities (now Seasonal Worker Training and Migrant Education) were all designed to do what they have been doing: empowering individuals to stand on their own two feet.

Community Action, VISTA Volunteers, and Legal Services continue to put power in the hands of individuals down at the grassroots level. The grassroots that these programs fertilize just don’t produce the manicured laws that conservatives prefer. Only the Neighborhood Youth Corps has been abandonedin 1974, after enrolling more than five million individuals. Despite the political rhetoric, every president, Ronald Reagan included, has urged Congress to fund these OEO programs or has approved substantial appropriations for them.

The Great Society confronted two monumental shifts in America: the urbanization of the population and the nationalization of commercial power. For urban America, it created the Department of Housing and Urban Development. It drove through Congress the Urban Mass Transit Act, which has given San Franciscans BART, Washingtonians Metro, Atlantans MARTA, and cities across America thousands of buses and modernized transit systems. The 1968 Housing Act has provided homes for more than 7 million families. The Great Society also created Ginnie Mae, which has added more than $1 billion to the supply of affordable mortgage funds, and privatized Fannie Mae, which has helped more than 30 million families purchase homes.

The ’60s also saw a nationalization of commercial power that had the potential to disadvantage the individual American consumer. Superstores and super-corporations were rapidly shoving aside the corner grocer, local banker, and independent drug store. Automobiles were complex and dangerous, manufactured by giant corporations with deep pockets to protect themselves. Banks had the most sophisticated accountants and lawyers to draft their loan agreements. Sellers of everyday productssoaps, produce, meats, appliances, clothing, cereals, and canned and frozen foodspackaged their products with the help of the shrewdest marketers and designers. The individual was outflanked at every position.

Sensing that mismatch, the Great Society produced a bevy of laws to level the playing field for consumers: auto and highway safety for the motorist; truth in packaging for the consumer; truth in lending for the home-buyer, small businessman and individual borrower; wholesome meat and wholesome poultry laws to enhance food safety. It created the Product Safety Commission to assure that toys and other products would be safe for users and the Flammable Fabrics Act to reduce the incendiary characteristics of clothing and blankets. To keep kids out of the medicine bottle we proposed the Child Safety Act.

The revolution in transportation led to the creation of the National Transportation Safety Board, renowned for its work in improving air safety, and the Department of Transportation.

In numbers of Americans helped, the Great Society exceeds in domestic impact even the New Deal of LBJ’s idol, Franklin Roosevelt. But far more profound and enduring are the fundamental tenets of public responsibility it espoused, which influence and shape the nation’s public policy and political dialogue to this day.

Until the New Deal, the federal government had been regarded as a regulatory power, protecting the public health and safety with the Food and Drug Administration and enforcing antitrust and commercial fraud laws to rein in concentrations of economic power. With the creation of the Securities and Exchange Commission and the other alphabet agencies, FDR took the government into deeper regulatory waters. He also put the feds into the business of cash payments: welfare benefits, railroad retirement, and Social Security.

Johnson converted the federal government into a far more energetic, proactive force for social justicestriking down discriminatory practices and offering a hand up with education, health care, and job training. These functions had formerly been the preserve of private charities and the states. Before the Johnson administration, for example, the federal government was not training a single worker. He vested the federal government with the responsibility to soften the sharp elbows of capitalism and give it a beating, human heart; to redistribute opportunity as well as wealth.

For the public safety, Johnson took on the National Rifle Association and drove through Congress the laws that closed the loophole of mail order guns, prohibited sales to minors, and ended the import of Saturday night specials. He tried unsuccessfully to convince Congress to pass a law requiring the licensing of every gun owner and the registration of every gun.

Spotting the “for sale” signs of political corruption going up in the nation’s capital, Johnson proposed public financing of presidential campaigns, full disclosure of contributions and expenses by all federal candidates, limits on contributions and eliminating lobbying loopholes. He convinced Congress to provide for public financing of Presidential campaigns through the income-tax checkoff. But they ignored his 1967 warning:

“More and more, men and women of limited means may refrain from running for public office. Private wealth increasingly becomes an artificial and unrealistic arbiter of qualifications, and the source of public leadership is thus severely narrowed. The necessity of acquiring substantial funds to finance campaigns diverts a candidate’s attention from his public obligations and detracts from his energetic exposition of the issues.”

Lyndon Johnson didn’t talk the talk of legacy. He walked the walk. He lived the life. He didn’t have much of a profile, but he did have the courage of his convictions, and the achievements of his Great Society were monumental.

Why then do Democratic politicians who battle to preserve Great Society programs ignore those achievements? For the same reason Bill Clinton came to the LBJ library on Johnson’s birthday during the 1992 campaign and never spoke the name of Lyndon Johnson or recognized Ladybird Johnson, who was sitting on the stage from which he spoke.

The answer lies in their fear of being called “liberal” and in their opposition to the Vietnam War. In contemporary America politicians are paralyzed by fear of the label that comes with the heritage of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society. Democrats rest their hopes of a return to Congressional power on promises to preserve and expand Great Society programs like Medicare and aid to education, but they tremble at the thought of linking those programs to the liberal Lyndon. The irony is that they seek to distance themselves from the president who once said that the difference between liberals and cannibals is that cannibals eat only their enemies.

Democratic officeholders also assign Johnson the role of stealth president because of the Vietnam War. Most contemporary observers put the war down as a monumental blunder. Only a handfulmost of them Republicansdefend Vietnam as part of a half-century bipartisan commitment to contain communism with American blood and money. Seen in that context, Vietnam was a tragic losing battle in a long, winning wara war that began with Truman’s ordeal in Korea, the Marshall Plan, and the 1948 Berlin airlift, and ended with the collapse of communism at the end of the Reagan Administration.

Whatever anyone thinks about Vietnam and however much politicians shrink from the liberal label, it is time to recognizeas historians are beginning to dothe reality of the remarkable and enduring achievements of the Great Society programs. Without such programs as Head Start, higher-education loans and scholarships, Medicare, Medicaid, clear air and water, and civil rights, life would be nastier, more brutish, and shorter for millions of Americans. l